The Holy Land Five

Introduction

In November 2008, five men were convicted in a Dallas federal court on 108 charges of funneling $12.4 million to Hamas, a designated foreign terrorist organization. This landmark case—United States v. Holy Land Foundation for Relief and Development—represented the largest terrorism financing prosecution in U.S. history. Yet today, these convicted terror financiers are celebrated as heroes by a growing network of anti-Israel activists who portray them as humanitarian workers wrongfully imprisoned.

This is the story of the Holy Land Five: how a sophisticated terror finance network operated under the guise of charity, how it was dismantled by federal authorities, and how its ideological descendants continue to influence American discourse on Israel and Palestine.

Understanding this network is crucial, as many of the organizations and individuals who emerged from its ashes remain active today, shaping campus activism, political advocacy, and public opinion.

The Holy Land Foundation

The Holy Land Foundation for Relief and Development (HLF) began its life in 1987 in Los Angeles as the Occupied Land Fund (OLF), founded by Shukri Abu Baker. In 1991, it changed its name to HLF, and by 1993, it had relocated to Richardson, Texas, establishing itself as what would become the largest Islamic charity in the United States.

On the surface, HLF appeared to be a legitimate humanitarian organization. It claimed to provide disaster relief, sponsor orphans, and support economic development in Palestinian territories. The foundation raised millions of dollars from American Muslims who believed they were contributing to charitable causes. By 2001, HLF was raising approximately $13 million annually.

However, behind its charitable image was a far more troubling reality. According to FBI investigations and evidence presented at trial, HLF existed primarily to support Hamas. The money that donors believed was going to orphans and hospitals was actually being funneled to Hamas-controlled organizations in the Palestinian territories.

The evidence was damning. Government wiretaps captured HLF leaders discussing their true intentions. In one particularly revealing conversation from 1993, HLF President Shukri Abu Baker spoke about the need to downplay the organization's ties to Hamas to continue raising money in America. The FBI also discovered that HLF was routing funds through a network of Palestinian charities known as "zakat committees," which were controlled by Hamas and used to support the families of suicide bombers and imprisoned terrorists.

One wiretapped call captured HLF representative Abdulrahman Odeh referring to a suicide bombing as "a beautiful operation." Another piece of evidence showed that HLF had created detailed security protocols, including hiring companies to search for listening devices, learning advanced methods to detect wiretaps, shredding documents after board meetings, and keeping incriminating documents at off-site locations.

The foundation's fundraising materials often included emotionally charged appeals about Palestinian orphans and widows. An OLF fundraising letter from 1988 asked, "Is it not out of honesty and sincerity that we all be brothers to the martyr's widow? Should we not stand by her and compensate her children for what they lost by their father's martyrdom?"

While such language might seem purely humanitarian, even this public admission—supporting families of Hamas 'martyrs'—was merely the sanitized version of their activities. As FBI investigations would later reveal, HLF was funneling millions directly to Hamas-controlled committees that funded the terrorist organization's operations, recruitment, and infrastructure. What they openly admitted to was already supporting terrorism; what they hid was far worse.

The Palestine Committee

To understand HLF's role in supporting Hamas, one must first understand the Palestine Committee—the umbrella organization that coordinated Hamas support activities in the United States. Formed in 1988, shortly after Hamas's founding, the Palestine Committee represented the American branch of the Muslim Brotherhood's efforts to support the newly formed terrorist organization.

According to internal documents seized by the FBI and presented as evidence in the HLF trial, the Palestine Committee was created when the head of the Palestine Section of the Muslim Brotherhood in the Middle East traveled to the United States to meet with American Muslim Brothers. The committee's goals, as stated in an October 1992 internal memorandum, included "increasing the financial and the moral support for Hamas," "fighting surrendering solutions," and publicizing "the savagery of the Jews."

The Palestine Committee operated through a three-pronged structure:

1. The Islamic Association for Palestine (IAP) - Founded in 1981 under the supervision of Khaled Meshal (who would later become Hamas's political leader), IAP served as Hamas's propaganda arm in the United States. It distributed Hamas communiqués, promoted Hamas's political positions, and organized conferences featuring Hamas leaders.
2. The Holy Land Foundation (HLF) - Served as the financial arm, raising money that would be funneled to Hamas under the guise of charitable giving.
3. The United Association for Studies and Research (UASR) - Functioned as a think tank, producing intellectual and academic materials supporting Hamas's ideology and political positions.

These three organizations were deeply interconnected, sharing leadership, resources, and objectives. They were, as one federal prosecutor described, "branches of the same tree."

Mousa Abu Marzook

At the center of this network stood Mousa Abu Marzook, a figure whose influence extended from American university campuses to the highest levels of Hamas leadership. A native of the Gaza Strip who obtained his doctorate in industrial engineering in Louisiana, Abu Marzook transformed from a graduate student into the mastermind of Hamas's financial and political operations in the United States.

Abu Marzook served as the head of the Palestine Committee, personally overseeing the establishment of the "public-facing, pro-Hamas machinery" that would channel millions of dollars to the terrorist organization. His role was not merely administrative—he was the architect and financier who breathed life into these organizations. He founded the United Association for Studies and Research (UASR), the think tank arm of the network, and heavily financed IAP with a $150,000 transfer that helped establish its nationwide presence.

After Sheikh Ahmed Yassin's arrest by Israeli authorities in 1989, Abu Marzook effectively took over the leadership of Hamas, transforming it from a Gaza-based movement into an international organization. When Hamas's Political Bureau was established in 1992, he became its head, overseeing operations from Springfield, Virginia, where he conducted business through UASR—which Israeli defense sources identified as a Hamas front.

Abu Marzook's influence extended through family connections that bound the network together. He was the cousin of Mohammed El-Mezain, one of the Holy Land Five, and his wife Nadia Elashi was the sister of Ghassan Elashi, HLF's Chairman. These family ties weren't coincidental—they reflected the Hamas network's reliance on trusted family members to maintain operational security and ideological loyalty. In 1994, according to U.S. Treasury documents, Abu Marzook designated the Holy Land Foundation as "the primary fund-raising entity for Hamas in the United States."

His carefully constructed American life came to an abrupt end in July 1995, when he was arrested at JFK Airport after being placed on a U.S. terrorist watch list. Despite having lived in America for thirteen years, earning his PhD, and raising his family in Virginia, authorities now recognized him for what he was: the political leader of Hamas operating on American soil. After his 1997 deportation, he rose through Hamas's ranks to become Deputy Chairman of the Hamas Political Bureau, serving from 1997 to 2014. The U.S. government designated him a "Specially Designated Global Terrorist," confirming his continued role in Hamas's terrorist activities.

Abu Marzook's legacy in the United States lived on through the organizations he established and funded. Even after his deportation, the infrastructure he created—IAP, HLF, and UASR—continued to operate for years, funneling millions of dollars to Hamas. His vision of a sophisticated support network that could operate under the cover of legitimate charitable and educational activities became the template for Hamas supporters in America, a template that continues to influence organizations today.

From his position in Hamas's political leadership, Abu Marzook has reportedly played a key role in strengthening Hamas's relationships with its state sponsors, particularly Iran, helping to secure the funding and weapons that fuel the terrorist organization's operations. His American education and experience navigating Western institutions made him uniquely valuable in Hamas's efforts to build international support while maintaining its terrorist activities.

The most revealing insight into the Palestine Committee's operations came from the FBI's surveillance of a secret meeting held in Philadelphia in October 1993. This meeting, attended by senior Hamas activists in the United States, was convened to discuss how to respond to the recently signed Oslo Accords, which Hamas vehemently opposed.

The wiretapped conversations from this meeting exposed the participants' strategy of deception. One senior leader declared,

"I swear by Allah that war is deception. Deceive, camouflage, pretend that you're leaving while you're walking that way. Deceive your enemy."

The participants discussed the need to hide their Hamas affiliation to avoid law enforcement scrutiny. Shukri Abu Baker emphasized the need for subterfuge:

"Let's not hoist a large Islamic flag and let's not be barbaric-talking. We will remain a front so that if the thing [the U.S. government ban on Hamas] happens, we will benefit from the new happenings instead of having all of our organizations classified and exposed."¹⁹

Key Players and Their Connections

The five men convicted in the HLF case were not random charity workers caught up in a misunderstanding. They were deeply connected to Hamas leadership and actively involved in supporting the terrorist organization.

On July 27, 2004, at precisely 7:00 am central time, federal and local law enforcement officers simultaneously raided the homes of:

1. Shukri Abu Baker
2. Ghassan Elashi
3. Mufid Abdulqader
4. Abdulrahman Odeh
5. Mohammad El-Mezain.

All five men were taken into custody that morning in a coordinated operation that marked the culmination of years of FBI investigation into their terror financing activities.

Shukri Abu Baker

Co-founder, President, and Chief Executive Officer of HLF, Abu Baker was sentenced to 65 years in prison. The FBI identified him as a Hamas member, and he was introduced as the "senior vice president in Hamas" at a 1994 IAP conference.

Abu Baker attended the crucial October 1993 Philadelphia meeting where Palestine Committee members discussed how to continue supporting Hamas while avoiding law enforcement detection. In a revealing moment of deception, Baker instructed meeting participants to refer to Hamas as "Samah" (Hamas spelled backwards) to disguise their conversations about the terrorist organization.

Evidence presented at trial showed Baker's deep involvement in Hamas support activities. Videos captured him at HLF fundraising events invoking Hamas spiritual leader Ahmed Yassin and thanking Hamas leaders Mahmoud al-Zahar and Sheikh Jamil Hamami for their presence. He also penned a poem titled "Hamas Hayzum Has Arrived" published by IAP, with concluding lines declaring "we will not accept any other than Hamas." At one fundraising event, Baker urged the crowd "to get ready, show the money, and get tough" while performers glorified the intifada and referenced the Battle of Khaibar, a 7th century Muslim victory over Jews.

His brother, Jamal Abu Baker (also known as Jamal Issa), is a known Hamas leader in Yemen. At least eleven trips by Hamas leaders to the U.S. were charged to American Express accounts bearing Baker's name. Despite overwhelming evidence, Baker continues to maintain his innocence, claiming in a self-published interview that HLF members were "agents of peace" who were "helping the Palestinians build their own peaceful nation"—a claim contradicted by the extensive evidence of Hamas support presented at trial.

Ghassan Elashi

Co-founder and Chairman of HLF, Elashi was also sentenced to 65 years in prison. Beyond his role at HLF, Elashi was the founding board member of CAIR's Texas chapter, demonstrating the interconnected nature of these organizations.

He was also vice president of InfoCom Corporation, a Texas-based computer company that was convicted of illegally doing business with Libya and Syria. The Elashi family's support for terrorism extended beyond Ghassan—his brothers Bayan and Basman were also convicted on related charges.

Elashi is related by marriage to Hamas leader Mousa Abu Marzook.

Mohammed El-Mezain

Co-founder and former Chairman of HLF, El-Mezain was sentenced to 15 years in prison. He served as HLF's primary fundraiser and was frequently introduced at fundraising events as a representative of Hamas.

An FBI wiretap captured a conversation in which El-Mezain responded, “May it be good,” in reference to a Hamas suicide bomb attack.

Mezain is the cousin of Hamas leader Mousa Abu Marzook.

Mufid Abdulqader

Sentenced to 20 years in prison, Abdulqader was HLF's top fundraiser and held a particularly significant family connection: he is the half-brother of Khaled Mashal, Hamas's supreme political leader. This direct familial link to Hamas's top leadership underscored HLF's true purpose.

A Palestinian who grew up in Kuwait and emigrated to the United States in 1980, Abdulqader earned engineering degrees from Oklahoma State University and became a naturalized American citizen. He worked as a civil engineer for the Oklahoma Department of Transportation and later for the city of Dallas, maintaining the facade of a respectable professional life while secretly raising funds for terrorism.

Beyond his official HLF duties, Abdulqader performed as a singer in a band called Al Sakhra ("The Rock"), which toured the United States performing at Hamas fundraisers. Videos from these performances show Abdulqader singing inflammatory lyrics such as: "My precious eyes are for Palestine, the agony of death is precious, killing Jews... Death to Jews, is precious. Jews will not fear threats, only action. So Hamas, hit them with the shoe bottoms of Islam and Hamas!" At a 1992 Hamas fundraising conference in Oklahoma City, where he appeared alongside his brother Khaled Mashal, Abdulqader sang: "No to the peace conference! Yes to jihad!"

These performances continued even after Hamas was designated a terrorist organization in 1995. In 1996, Abdulqader performed at a New Jersey conference singing: "With holy war, we regain the land. No to giving in. The blood of martyrs will fall like the water of rain... To Jerusalem let's go. The sacrifice is calling." Abdulqader was considered one of HLF's top fundraisers, traveling worldwide to solicit donations—on one occasion returning from Colombia with $85,000 in cash.

Released to a halfway house in December 2024 after serving 16 years of his sentence, Abdulqader remained unrepentant. In a video posted upon his release, he declared: "No matter what these people do, they will remain midgets... Serving the people of Palestine is the greatest honor."

Abdulrahman Odeh

HLF's representative in New Jersey, Odeh was sentenced to 15 years in prison.³⁰ Hired in February 1994 to open and run HLF's New Jersey office, Odeh was one of at least eight state representatives employed by the foundation across the nation. As the sole employee of that office, he raised funds that were sent to HLF headquarters in Richardson, Texas, never dealing directly with any organizations in Palestine, including the zakat committees.

Unlike the other defendants, Odeh was not a board member or officer of HLF, was not on the Palestine Committee, was not in the Muslim Brotherhood, and did not attend the crucial 1993 Philadelphia meeting. The government even conceded at sentencing that Odeh was "the least culpable of the defendants."

Despite his lower-level role, evidence presented at trial revealed Odeh's support for Hamas's violent activities. He was caught on a wiretapped phone call referring to a suicide bombing as "a beautiful operation." The government's evidence against him included phone conversations capturing him celebrating after a suicide bombing and photographs of Hamas leaders Sheikh Yassin and Khaled Mashal found in his office.

Odeh was released to a halfway house in December 2020 after serving his full 15-year sentence.

These family connections formed a web that directly linked HLF to Hamas leadership. The relationships were not incidental—they were fundamental to how the organization operated. Money raised by HLF in America would flow to Hamas-controlled charities in the Palestinian territories, where it would be distributed by Hamas members, including relatives of the HLF leadership.³²

The Trial and Conviction

The path to justice was long and complex. The FBI began investigating HLF's financial ties to Hamas in 1994, just one year before Hamas was designated as a Foreign Terrorist Organization by the U.S. government.

Over the course of the investigation, federal agents traveled the globe, conducted more than 100 interviews, sorted through hundreds of boxes of documents, watched hundreds of videos, listened to countless hours of audio recordings, and reviewed thousands of pages of bank records.

The investigation accelerated after 9/11, as the U.S. government intensified its efforts to combat terrorism financing. On December 4, 2001, President George W. Bush announced the freezing of HLF's assets, declaring:

"Hamas has obtained much of the money that it pays for murder abroad right here in the United States, money originally raised by the Holy Land Foundation. The Holy Land Foundation raised $13 million from people in America last year. Money raised by the Holy Land Foundation is used by Hamas to support schools and indoctrinate children to grow up into suicide bombers. It is also used by Hamas to recruit suicide bombers and to support their families."

In July 2004, federal authorities arrested the five HLF leaders and charged them with providing material support to Hamas. Two other HLF officials, Haitham Maghawri and Akram Mishal, fled the country before they could be arrested and remain fugitives.

The first trial, held in 2007, ended in a mistrial when jurors could not reach unanimous verdicts. However, prosecutors persevered, and a second trial began in September 2008. This time, the evidence was overwhelming. Prosecutors presented documents showing HLF's connections to Hamas, played videos of the defendants performing Hamas songs at fundraising events, and called witnesses who testified about the Hamas-controlled zakat committees that received HLF funds.

A key government witness was an Israeli intelligence agent who testified anonymously about the connections between Hamas, the zakat committees, and HLF. The agent explained how Hamas used these charitable committees as a financial pipeline, ensuring that money raised by HLF in America ultimately supported Hamas's terrorist infrastructure.

On November 24, 2008, after 19 days of deliberation, the jury returned guilty verdicts on all 108 counts against the five defendants. The convictions included charges of providing material support to a foreign terrorist organization, money laundering, and tax fraud.

During the sentencing phase, the defendants remained defiant. Ghassan Elashi declared, "We helped Palestinian orphans and needy families, giving them hope and life...and then we are turned criminals." This false sentiment—portraying themselves as humanitarian workers unjustly persecuted—would become a central theme in the campaign to free them.

Organizations Born from the Ashes

The conviction of the Holy Land Five did not end the network's influence. Instead, it evolved and adapted, with new organizations emerging to continue the work of supporting Hamas through propaganda, political advocacy, and campus activism.

Two organizations, in particular, rose from the ashes of the Palestine Committee infrastructure:

Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR)

Just months after the 1993 Philadelphia meeting where Palestine Committee members discussed creating a new organization to serve as a political front, the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) was founded in Washington, D.C. The connections were unmistakable:

• Omar Ahmad, who served as IAP President from 1991-1994 and attended the Philadelphia meeting, became CAIR's Chairman Emeritus
• Nihad Awad, IAP's Public Relations Director and Philadelphia meeting participant, became CAIR's Executive Director
• Rafeeq Jaber, former IAP President, became a founding director of CAIR
• Ghassan Elashi, HLF's treasurer, became the founding board member of CAIR's Texas chapter

Today, CAIR describes itself as "America's largest Muslim civil liberties organization," with chapters across the United States and an annual budget of approximately $3 million. While CAIR presents itself as a civil rights organization, it was named as an unindicted co-conspirator in the HLF trial, and evidence presented showed it was listed as a member of the Muslim Brotherhood's Palestine Committee.

During the HLF trial, FBI Special Agent Lara Burns testified that CAIR was "a front group for Hamas." In 2008, following the trial, the FBI instructed its field offices to significantly restrict non-investigative interactions with CAIR, ending years of cooperation between the bureau and the organization.

Despite this history, CAIR continues to operate as an influential advocacy organization, lobbying Congress, issuing "action alerts" on legislation, partnering with other anti-Israel groups, and promoting the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement against Israel.

American Muslims for Palestine (AMP)

Founded in 2006, American Muslims for Palestine (AMP) represents another evolution of the Palestine Committee network. The organization was established by individuals with direct ties to the now-defunct IAP and HLF:

• Hatem Bazian, AMP's founder and chairman, has promoted anti-Semitism and called for an "intifada" in America
• Salah Sarsour, an AMP board member, was listed in a 2001 FBI memo as a Hamas fundraiser through HLF and reportedly served eight months in Israeli prison for Hamas connections
• Sufian Nabhan, an AMP board member, was formerly on IAP's board
• Osama Abuirshaid, AMP's Executive Director since 2019, previously worked at both IAP (as editor of their newspaper Al-Zaitounah) and UASR—the exact organizations that prosecutors identified as Hamas's media and think tank arms in America

AMP has been described in Congressional testimony as "the most important sponsor and organizer" of Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP) chapters on college campuses and "a leading driver" of the BDS movement in the United States. The organization reportedly spent $100,000 on campus activities in 2014 alone, providing speakers, training, materials, and grants to SJP activists.

Abuirshaid's appointment as Executive Director exemplifies how AMP serves as a continuation of the Palestine Committee infrastructure. Before joining AMP's leadership, he worked directly for the organizations that supported the Holy Land Five's operations. At IAP, he edited Al-Zaitounah, which prosecutors said "focused on Palestinian issues with an emphasis on support for Hamas" and allegedly solicited funds for HLF. His seamless transition from these convicted organizations to AMP leadership demonstrates the direct organizational continuity.

Under Abuirshaid's leadership, AMP has maintained its predecessor organizations' support for Hamas.

On July 8, 2014, Abuirshaid posted on Facebook: “مقاتلو القسام يقتحمون القواعد العسكرية الصهيونية في الداخل الفلسطيني المحتل.. حماس تمطر الدولة العبرية بالصواريخ وتفرض حظر تجوال على حركة قطعان المحتلين في مدننا المحتلة. [Al-Qassam fighters storm the Zionist military bases inside occupied Palestine. Hamas is raining the Hebrew state with rockets and imposing a curfew upon the movement of the occupying herds in our occupied cities.]”

The Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades is the military wing of Hamas.

He has endorsed Facebook comments calling for removing Hamas from the U.S. terrorism list to enable open fundraising—exactly what the Holy Land Foundation did before Hamas's designation.

A Network of Anti-Semites and Terror Supporters

Beyond its organizational connections to Hamas financiers, AMP's leadership and staff have distinguished themselves through virulent anti-Semitism and support for terrorism:

• Osama Abuirshaid (Executive Director): Has referred to Israel as the "despicable Jews," promoted dual loyalty conspiracies claiming American Jews put "Israeli interests ahead of the American agenda," and participated in the pro-Hamas encampment at Columbia University in April 2024.
• Mohamad Habehh (Director of Development): Mocked the Holocaust, tweeting jokes about fitting Jews in ashtrays and comparing Pakistani people to "Jews in Nazi Germany." He celebrated violence against Jews, tweeting about a "yahoodi [Jewish] lady getting dropped" during anti-Semitic "knockout game" attacks. He also tweeted: "When I was 9 a yahoodi khara [Jewish s**t] made me get off the basketball court so I went got a rock and threw at his face."
• Taher Herzallah (Director of Outreach & Grassroots Organizing): Promoted terrorism against Israel and was convicted of disrupting a speech by an Israeli ambassador. He has expressed explicit support for Hamas operations.
• Ayah Ziyadeh (National Advocacy Director): Defended terrorism, expressed support for terrorists, promoted incitement and demonized Israeli Jews. She has endorsed violence against Israeli civilians.
• Sayel Kayed (President of AMP-NJ): Spread anti-Semitic conspiracy theories including the "Khazar myth" that denies Jews' connection to Israel. At a 2018 mosque speech, he endorsed the false claim that today's Jews "are not even Jews" but are "mostly European."
• Tarek Khalil (AMP Education Coordinator): Trivialized anti-Semitism and promoted incitement during the 2015 "Knife Intifada," accusing Israel of "Ku-Klux-Klan style lynching and burning."

The Boim Case

While the Holy Land Five faced criminal prosecution, another landmark case was unfolding in civil court that would forever change how American victims of terrorism could seek justice against terror financiers—and that battle continues nearly three decades later.

On May 13, 1996, 17-year-old David Boim was waiting for a bus to Jerusalem with his classmates when Hamas gunmen opened fire, shooting David in the head. The American teenager died the next day, becoming one of Hamas's first American victims.

In 2000, David's parents, Stanley and Joyce Boim, filed a groundbreaking lawsuit under the Anti-Terrorism Act against several U.S.-based organizations for providing material support to Hamas. Among the defendants were three organizations central to the Hamas support network: the Holy Land Foundation (HLF), the Islamic Association for Palestine (IAP), and the American Muslim Society (AMS).

The Modern "Free the Holy Land 5" Campaign

Perhaps the most troubling development in recent years has been the emergence of a coordinated campaign to rehabilitate the image of the Holy Land Five and secure their release from prison.

This campaign, led by radical anti-Israel organizations, portrays the convicted terror financiers as political prisoners and humanitarian workers unjustly imprisoned by a biased American justice system.

Within Our Lifetime (WOL)

At the forefront of this campaign is Within Our Lifetime (WOL), a New York City-based organization founded by Nerdeen Kiswani and Dan Cione. WOL's name reflects its goal: the destruction of Israel "within our lifetime." The organization promotes Palestinian "resistance by any means necessary" and has organized numerous protests that have resulted in violence against Jews and confrontations with police.

WOL has made the Holy Land Five a central cause, launching a dedicated campaign portraying them as innocent humanitarians.

Kiswani has personal ties with the families of the HLF5, particularly with the daughters of Shukri Abu Bakr, who was sentenced to 65 years in prison.

WOL fundraises for the HLF5, urging individuals to donate or host fundraising events. WOL's campaign page for the HLF5 paints a disingenuous picture of the convicted criminals as innocent humanitarians, while simultaneously suggesting that their support for armed resistance was justified.

WOL’s dedicated webpage for the HLF5 quotes Ghassan Elashi's statement during his sentencing to 65 years in prison: "We helped Palestinian orphans and needy families, giving them hope and life...and then we are turned criminals. That is irony.” This sentiment is echoed throughout the page, portraying the terror funders as charitable individuals wrongfully imprisoned.

At the same time, WOL justifies and endorses the HLF5's support for Hamas, lamenting that prior to tightened U.S. regulations, "Palestinians could raise money for, talk to, and build support for armed and unarmed Palestinian organizations."

Here is a sample of some of WOL's work in support of the HLF5:

• "With the 14 year anniversary of the HLF5's wrongful sentencing approaching on May 27th, we call on all those who stand for Palestine and the struggle of political prisoners to join the campaign to #FreeTheHLF5." WOL, X (Twitter), Apr 17, 2023
• “I’m really excited about the new campaign, spearheaded by @WOLPalestine and @CivilFreedoms and supported by @SamidounPP, to free the Holy Land Five political prisoners. If you haven’t, please consider asking your organization to endorse it. #FreeTheHLF5.” Joe Catron, X (Twitter), Nov 22, 2022
• “We're very honored to be joined today by Nerdeen Kiswani who is the chair of Within Our Lifetime United for Palestine, which has recently taken the lead on re-launching the campaign to free the Holy Land Five.” Charlotte Kates, YouTube, Dec 17, 2022
• “Within Our Lifetime took the initiative working together with the Coalition for Civil Freedoms, with family members of the Holy Land Foundation Five and also with us, in Samidoun, and with many other organizations, to bring this campaign to the forefront once again.” Charlotte Kates, YouTube, Dec 17, 2022

Samidoun Palestinian Prisoner Solidarity Network

Samidoun, described as a proxy for the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), joined forces with WOL in championing the Holy Land Five. In November 2022, Samidoun announced it was "honoured to join with @WOLPalestine and the Coalition for @CivilFreedoms to launch a campaign to free the three remaining Holy Land Foundation 5 prisoners."

The collaboration between WOL and Samidoun is extensive—they have jointly organized countless events in the New York metropolitan area.

Joe Catron, Samidoun's U.S. Coordinator, has been particularly active in promoting the Holy Land Five campaign, describing it on social media as an effort to free "political prisoners." Charlotte Kates, Samidoun's International Coordinator, has praised WOL for "taking the lead on re-launching the campaign to free the Holy Land Five."

The Propaganda War

The campaign to free the Holy Land Five represents more than just an effort to release convicted criminals—it's part of a broader propaganda war that culminated in the horrors of October 7, 2023, when Hamas murdered 1,200 Israelis and kidnapped over 200 hostages.

The financial infrastructure built by the Holy Land Five helped sustain the terrorist organization that carried out the worst massacre of Jews since the Holocaust.

The "Humanitarian" Deception Lives On

Today’s activists continue the Holy Land Five’s playbook of disguising support for terrorism as humanitarian concern. When protesters at Columbia, Yale, and UCLA erected "Gaza Solidarity Encampments" in 2024, they demanded universities divest from Israel while citing death tolls fed by Hamas’s propaganda machine and turning a blind eye to its strategy of embedding terrorists in schools, hospitals, and homes.

These same encampments featured:

• Chants of "from the river to the sea" and calls for "intifada"
• Physical assaults on Jewish students
• Participants like AMP's Osama Abuirshaid and Hatem Bazian, who previously worked for the same Hamas-linked organizations as the Holy Land Five

What these activists deliberately omit is that every dollar sent to Hamas-controlled territories—whether for "orphans" or "hospitals"—frees up resources for rockets, tunnels, and the training of terrorists who carried out October 7th. The Holy Land Five knew this. Today's activists know this. Yet they persist in the same deception.

From Campus Encampments to Congressional Halls

The evolution is complete: the same network that once funneled money to Hamas through the Holy Land Foundation now operates openly on American campuses and in the halls of Congress. Consider:

• Students for Justice in Palestine, funded and trained by AMP, organized over 100 campus protests in the months following October 7th
• Congressional representatives like Rashida Tlaib and Ilhan Omar echo Hamas talking points while receiving awards from AMP
• University administrators cave to demands from groups directly descended from the Holy Land Five's network, agreeing to BDS resolutions and "divestment" from Israel

The terrorists who carried out October 7th didn't emerge from a vacuum. They were products of an infrastructure that the Holy Land Five helped build and that their successors continue to sustain.